The rupee that touched another record low at below
68-to-the-dollar, is on a downward slide the end of which none can see.
What is clear is that this round of depreciation has been sharp and
rapid. Even over 2013, it is clear that the currency was more or less
stable for much of the first half and has depreciated by 16 per cent or
more vis-à-vis the dollar over the last two months.
This
does signal that there are more factors than the so-called fundamentals
responsible for the currency’s recent collapse. It is indeed true that
the current account deficit on India’s balance of payments rules high,
indicating that the country’s demand for foreign exchange exceeds its
ability to earn it. But it has been high for sometime and expectations
are that the deficit as a ratio of GDP could fall marginally in the
coming months. So this alone cannot explain the dramatic decline in the
rupee’s relative value. It is also true that foreign investors and
lenders, who were more than willing to send hard currency across the
country’s borders in search of profit, are now less willing to do so.
Moreover, with fears that the policy of quantitative easing, under which
the US Federal Reserve was pumping dollar liquidity into the world
system, is to be ‘tapered off’, investors are reportedly returning to
the US and dollar denominated assets. But though the flow of capital has
shrunk as a result, India still seems to receive enough foreign capital
inflows to finance its deficit and even add marginally to its reserves.
So that too cannot be an immediate explanation for the rupee’s plight.
We
may be reaching a point where the artificial situation in which a
country with a large current account deficit has a relatively stable and
even occasionally appreciating currency because of large capital
inflows cannot hold anymore. But the timing of the rupee’s collapse is
not easily explained only by the conventional fundamentals.
Enter,
therefore, the ‘speculator’, who has decided to bet against the rupee,
as a potential explanation for the rupee’s condition. The government and
central bank are clearly looking in this direction. Besides working to
increase foreign capital inflows into the country, a number of measures
have been taken to reduce dollar asset accumulation by residents and
prevent hoarding of the dollar by institutions involved in trade in the
currency. Moreover, the Reserve Bank of India, which has been pointing
fingers at the currency derivatives market as a speculative hub where
the dollar rules higher, now argues that prices in those markets, or
those driven by speculation, are beginning to influence spot dollar
prices in terms of the rupee.
It recent Annual Report
is quite direct. Noting that the volume of trading in exchange-traded
currency derivatives increased from Rs. 2.6 billion in September 2008,
when such trading was first permitted, to Rs. 234.4 billion in June
2013, the RBI hints at a link between this and exchange rate volatility.
According to it, econometric tests suggest “there is causality running
from speculation to exchange rate volatility”. Given this conviction it
is not surprising that: “The Reserve Bank recently banned proprietary
trading by banks in the currency futures/exchange-traded currency
options markets. Such trading is allowed only on behalf of clients. SEBI
also tightened exposure norms for currency derivatives to check
excessive speculation by increasing margin requirements and curtailing
open positions on currency derivatives.”
But the
efficacy of such measures is under question, and there are other markets
where the RBI or SEBI can do little. There exists a market termed the
“non-deliverable forward” (NDF) market for the rupee. This the rupee
version of markets for non-convertible or partially non-convertible
currencies of countries with capital controls that ostensibly emerged to
hedge exposure in such currencies, but then developed as sites for
speculation. A typical NDF contract would involve an agreement in which
one party agrees to buy at some date in the future a notional quantity
of dollars at a contracted forward rate, implying a sum of rupees (say
X). On the settlement date, the investor would be able to sell the
quantity of dollars purchased and deliverable at the prevailing spot
price, to obtain, say Y, rupees. The difference between the two would
reflect the profit or loss in the trade. Such trades are however settled
in dollars in these over the counter markets, since the counterpart
currency such as the rupee is “non-deliverable”. The forward contract
rupee-to-dollar rates reflect the direction in which speculators expect
the rate to move.
If capital controls are strong,
developments in these NDF markets should not affect prices in onshore
spot markets. But financial liberalisation dilutes those controls. There
is now evidence from many emerging markets that prices in the
‘offshore’ NDF markets affect ‘onshore’ dollar prices. The RBI refers to
a study which “suggests that there is a long-term relationship between
the spot and NDF markets for the INR” and that during periods of
depreciation “shocks originating in the NDF market may carry more
information, which gets reflected in on-shore segments of the market”.
The transmission mechanism is not clear, but it could be the involvement
of domestic banks in these markets because, though “onshore financial
institutions are not allowed to transact in the NDF markets”, “since
domestic banking entities are allowed specific open position and gap
limits for their foreign exchange exposures, there is scope for domestic
entities to participate in the NDF markets to take advantage of any
arbitrage.” Besides that, foreign banks and corporate entities with an
international presence can participate in the NDF market. Liberalisation
has only increased the intensity of such linkages between onshore and
offshore markets.
In sum, a series of changes that
have occurred since financial liberalisation began have increased
India’s exposure to the adverse effects of currency speculation. Given
the nature of these changes there is little that the RBI and the
government can do about such speculation, despite the claim that: “While
introducing currency futures, the Reserve Bank and the Securities and
Exchange Board of India (SEBI) had put in place various safeguard
mechanisms to monitor positions, prices and volumes in real time so as
to control excessive speculation.” In any case, there is nothing
whatsoever the RBI and the SEBI can do to curb speculation in the NDF
market that is outside its jurisdiction.
It is,
therefore, possible that the sudden and sharp depreciation of the rupee
is the result of the spillover onto domestic spot markets for the
currency of speculation-driven price trends in derivative markets. In
which case the slide is difficult to control and can continue with no
clear prediction possible where the decline will take the currency in
the days ahea
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