There is hope in the air: years of corruption, ‘policy paralysis’ and a
non-functioning government are gone and there is a forceful, efficient,
decisive leader at the helm. However, while joining in the national mood
of hope and expectation, may one add a word of caution about the
current emphasis on “quick project clearances”? The argument is that
“green clearances” are responsible for delaying large projects and that
the process should be made fast and easy.
Delays in project clearances can arise from several causes: plain
inefficiency in the functioning of the clearance agency, poor project
formulation necessitating a demand to reformulate the project,
inadequate information necessitating a number of queries and demands for
clarifications and additional material, a prolonged debate between the
project proponents and the examining agency in those cases where a
negative decision seems likely and so on. While delays caused by
inefficiency can and should be eliminated, other delays are not really
delays if they serve a useful purpose. The examination of projects that
are likely to have serious environmental, social and human impacts, and
demand heavy investments, cannot be rushed through. No more than the
necessary time should be taken, but equally, not less than the necessary
time must be taken. To cut that short would be to turn the entire
clearance process into a mockery.
Giving clearances to projects
Why are “green clearances” in particular blamed for delays? The reason is that most project proponents and the ministries concerned regard a clearance under the Environment (Protection) Act a tiresome formality. The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) is unpopular with the so-called ‘developmental’ ministries; it is regarded as a ‘negative’ force that impedes ‘development.’ A development-environment dichotomy is posited, with the former being accorded primacy and the latter relegated to a secondary position.
Why are “green clearances” in particular blamed for delays? The reason is that most project proponents and the ministries concerned regard a clearance under the Environment (Protection) Act a tiresome formality. The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) is unpopular with the so-called ‘developmental’ ministries; it is regarded as a ‘negative’ force that impedes ‘development.’ A development-environment dichotomy is posited, with the former being accorded primacy and the latter relegated to a secondary position.
The holders of the “primacy of development” argument would say: “The
protection of the environment is important, but not at the cost of
development.” Let us reverse that proposition: can we really have
development at the cost of the environment? When we have destroyed all
aquifers, turned all rivers into sewers, denuded all forests and reduced
bio-diversity drastically, what development can there be? Faced with
that question, the advocates of development might say: “Let us be
moderate; let us not go overboard and become eco-fundamentalists.” What
can be more basic than our habitat, our water and the air? Profound
concern about them should not be deprecated as fundamentalism. What we
have in fact had is developmental fundamentalism, accompanied by an
angry impatience with environmental concerns.
Dare one hope that the negative attitude to environmental concerns will
not continue in the new government? In the new government, the
environment ministry is headed not by a Cabinet minister, but by a
Minister of State with independent charge, Prakash Javadekar. He is
reported to have said that the environment ministry will not be
obstructionist. That is a revealing statement. It implies that any
minister who implements the Environment (Protection) Act faithfully and
effectively is being obstructionist and that he or she should moderate
the implementation to avoid being so. It is also a defensive statement
seeking to reassure everyone that he will try and not trouble anyone.
Why does such a reassurance become necessary? The reason is that the Act
seriously tries to protect the environment and contains provisions for
the purpose, which means that if rigorously implemented, it is bound to
bite in some cases. It follows that the bland statement often heard that
there need be no conflict between the environment and development is
not true. An effort needs to be made to reconcile the requirements of
the Act and the demands of development, and it will not be an easy effort.
It is in that context that the advocates of development generally call
for a ‘balancing’ of environment and development. ‘Balancing’ implies
action on both sides, but in the ‘development versus environment’
debate, the demand is always for a compromise on environmental concerns,
never for a moderation of developmental activities. However, perhaps
one is being unduly alarmist. One hopes that the Modi government will be
as earnest about environmental and ecological concerns as about what
goes in the name of development. One also hopes that there will be an
agonising reappraisal of what constitutes true development.
Another source of worry is in relation to land acquisition, displacement
and rehabilitation. Many feel that the Rehabilitation Act of 2013 is
deficient in several respects, but it offers some limited protection
against unfair alienation of agricultural land, and a modest
rehabilitation provision. In the drive for the quick implementation of
‘developmental’ projects, one hopes that the government will not be
unduly influenced by the neoliberal economic view — that this act is a
serious impediment to development.
Restoring the Ganga
Reports to the effect that the new government proposes to restore the Ganga to its pristine condition are encouraging, but one must hope that it will not be a cosmetic exercise like the ‘revival’ of the Sabarmati in Gujarat. More disturbing is the fact that during his election campaign, the present Prime Minister talked about the Inter-Linking of Rivers Project, a controversial project. That the Prime Minister is predisposed in favour of the project is hardly reassuring, and one fervently hopes that he will study the weighty objections that many critics have raised before taking a decision on the project. It seems strange to want to restore the Ganga and at the same time undertake a project that will do great harm to several other rivers.
Reports to the effect that the new government proposes to restore the Ganga to its pristine condition are encouraging, but one must hope that it will not be a cosmetic exercise like the ‘revival’ of the Sabarmati in Gujarat. More disturbing is the fact that during his election campaign, the present Prime Minister talked about the Inter-Linking of Rivers Project, a controversial project. That the Prime Minister is predisposed in favour of the project is hardly reassuring, and one fervently hopes that he will study the weighty objections that many critics have raised before taking a decision on the project. It seems strange to want to restore the Ganga and at the same time undertake a project that will do great harm to several other rivers.
One shares the widespread hope that a single-party majority and a
decisive Prime Minister will mark a new beginning. The Prime Minister’s
statement — “Let us together dream of a strong, developed and inclusive
India” — needs to be expanded to include ecological sustainability and
harmony, not only between groups, States and countries, but also between
humanity and Nature.
(Ramaswamy R. Iyer is a former Secretary, Water Resources, Government of India.)
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